Within the framework of a new project that must be formed in the Middle East, the formalization of the United States of Kurdistan is necessary. In this context, the work we initiated on July 24, 2018, and our declaration of the issue of the Government of the United States of Kurdistan, were intended to fill a gap in this process. We continue these efforts in the most beneficial way possible and will keep doing so. As you know, within this process, developments that previously occurred in Iraq and Syria will also occur in Iran and Turkey; this is inevitable. Because the oppression to which the Kurdish nation has been subjected must come to an end. For this, the Kurdish nation must exercise its right to self-governance.
Although Iran appears to be in a better position than Turkey on paper regarding the rights and laws of the Kurdish people, this is not reflected in daily life. By “better position than Turkey,” we mean that the name Kurdistan Province is used, notebooks in Kurdish are provided, and the existence of Kurds is respected; yet on the other hand, we see people who serve the Kurdish and Kurdistan cause being executed.
Ultimately, these are the pains of the Kurdish nation’s statelessness. These pains will be seen in Tehran as well as in Ankara. To prevent this, Devlet Bahçeli sometimes makes logical statements such as “we need to ensure unity.” Erdoğan and others like him, who think only of their own interests, try to skirt the issue with superficial efforts. These are not people so unintelligent as to be unaware that ensuring unity cannot occur through the continuation of the oppression imposed on the Kurdish nation for a century. If you are to ensure unity, you must also fulfill its requirements.
In the name of ensuring unity, you have embraced the PKK, you have relied on what Öcalan might do—then why is the man in prison? For this person to conduct diplomatic efforts, to meet with his supporters, to explain his plans to the Kurdish nation and receive their approval, all of this would be necessary. We see that none of this exists, and that such a plan is not even mentioned by name. Naturally, whether today, tomorrow, or the day after, as long as the oppression imposed on the Kurdish nation in Turkey continues and the Kurdish nation is not enabled to govern its own state on its own land and homeland, stability cannot be established—especially in the capitals of the states occupying Kurdistan, nor in the region in general. In a state structure lacking transparency, honesty, sincerity, determination, and justice, stability cannot emerge.
Turkey has brought events to this point by keeping people under pressure for a century under the name of an artificially established republican state. Where does it think it is going from here? Its eyes are so blind that it cannot see that hundreds of thousands of Kurdish heroes have been trained and are determinedly struggling to protect their homeland and nation. Iran is trying to gloss over this with its artificial regime as well. Unless the Kurdish nation is enabled to govern itself through a stable state structure, these pains will not end.
To the question of whether Iran could be next after Venezuela:
It would be in the interest of the region, the Kurds, and the Iranians for Iran not to allow this. Recent talks with Russia, the landing of large cargo aircraft, and the transportation of more weapons to Iran will not save Iran. Iran’s democratization—turning such regime changes from monarchy to clerical rule and tomorrow to another regime—means failing to see the essence of the problem and postponing efforts aimed at its real solution. Iran can prevent possible attacks by contributing to efforts that enable the Kurdish nation to govern itself and by establishing a democratic structure. It cannot cleanse itself nor establish a stable governance approach by bringing in new weapons from Russia and dragging the people into war.
In the past, during the Iran–Iraq war, had there been no intervention, Iraq under Saddam’s rule would have advanced as far as Tehran. This caused massive loss of life, and afterward Iran could not establish an economic order for some time. Iran did not stop there; to impose instability in the Middle East, it formed new affiliated groups in Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon. We know very well that it also tried to develop these in Turkey, carrying out efforts under similar structures such as Hezbollah in order to sustain its own existence—that is, to protect its regime. They did not pursue a democratic structure or efforts aimed at protecting the interests of the people.
It is clear that the military cargo aircraft arriving from Russia are carrying new weapons, and we must also know that these weapons will not protect Iran in any way. The current developments in Iran stem not from Iran’s strength but from its instability—arising from its governance and unjust distributions. Additionally, it can be said that they stem from the failure to bring a solution to Kurdish rights and law in accordance with international norms.
The recent increase in the number of large military cargo aircraft arriving from Russia shows the reality that weapons are being transported from Russia to Iran. However, these will not save Iran from war. Although it might be assumed that Russia could strengthen itself not only regarding events in Ukraine but also in the Middle East or Iran, or that it could preserve the regime there by keeping it dependent on itself, this is not possible. We saw that in Syria as well, Russia eventually withdrew after taking with it a handful of affiliated administrators. If Russia intervenes in Iran, after a bloody war that could last three, five, or ten years, Russia’s action would be the same.
Therefore, with the support and assistance of the United States of America, and by considering the interests of all countries in the region—including Israel—the formation of a state structure in which the Kurdish nation governs itself will allow us to see steps toward stability both in the geography of Kurdistan and in the states currently occupying Kurdistan, and in the Middle East in general.
